LSU Maya Archaeology News 1

1995

“The 1994 Field Season in South-Coastal Belize”

By Heather McKillop

The importance of the sea in the lives of the ancient Maya has been underestimated in studies of Maya economy and society. The sea was more than a transportation corridor for exotic commodities such as volcanic obsidian and basalt from highland areas in Mesoamerica. The Caribbean provided seafood for the inland Maya of the lowland cities of Tikal, Lubaantun, Altun Ha, and Caracol, among others. The sea also was a source of ritual paraphernalia, including stingray spines used in bloodletting, as well as imagery of death, rebirth, and the underworld. But the real political, economic, and ideological value of the sea was as the nexus of long-distance and coastal-inland transportation routes, in which both ritual and subsistence resources were supplied to inland cities.

Earthwatch and its corps of volunteers have provided support for five field seasons of research investigating the integration of long-distance and coastal-inland economies in south-coastal Belize. Previous fieldwork has identified the island site of Wild Cane Cay as a major trading port from the Classic period (A.D. 300-900) through the Postclassic period (A.D. 900-1500; McKillop 1987, 1989, 1995b). The abundance of obsidian, the diversity of trade routes indicated by obsidian from six different source locations, and the relative lack of conservation of this scarce material in obsidian blade production argued for the role of Wild Cane Cay as a trading port located between the highland resource areas and the Maya lowland consumer area where the large Classic and Postclassic Maya cities were located. The island’s relatively protected location, its natural harbor, and strategic river-mouth location were supporting evidence for the island’s participation in trade. What remained unknown was whether or not long-distance trade systems in ancient civilizations like the Maya were centered on the supply of precious goods for the most elite members of the major cities. Alternatively, could the common Maya folk obtain exotic materials on a regular basis?

To investigate the integration of trading ports into the local economies, I initiated the South Coastal Archaeology in Belize (SCAB) project: The continuing goals are to find sites, determine their age, and estimate the relative access to exotic resources in comparison with the trading port at Wild Cane Cay. To date, some 40 archaeological sites have been discovered and investigated in the coastal waters of south-coastal Belize, between the modern communities of Punta Gorda and Punta Negra (McKillop 1994b, 1995a, 1995c).

The SCAB project has explained the modern virtual absence of human settlement in the mangrove swamp dominated landscape as related to a one meter relative rise in sea level since the end of the Classic period that submerged sites and transformed the landform and vegetation patterns. There was, in fact, Classic period settlement on the coast contemporary with the major time of settlement inland in southern Belize, as documented by Hammond (1975) and Leventhal (1990), for example. Ancient plant remains preserved in waterlogged deposits at several south-coastal Belize sites include native palms (Orbigyna cohune, Acrocomia mexicana, and Bactris major), as well as native fruit tree remains (Pouteria mammosum, Persea americana, Byrsonima crassifolia, among others) that suggest a drier landscape and a subsistence regime focused on tree-cropping on the offshore islands (McKillop 1994).

Coral Architecture and Other Settlement at Frenchman’s Cay

Continuing investigation of the relationship between stone architecture and control of trade in south-coastal Belize prompted the first excavation of the coral architecture on Frenchman’s Cay during the 1994 field season. Only three sites—all island sites strategically situated to control access through the Port Honduras coastal waters—have visible stone architecture. The labor investment associated with the stone construction suggested both control of labor and display of power that in a visible way distinguished these island Maya from others in the area: Mining coral rock from the sea and mainland stones including sandstone, limestone, and mudstones and transporting them to the islands for construction represented a larger labor investment than building out of perishable materials.

A test trench in each of Spondylus and Turkey Wing mounds at Frenchman’s Cay supervised by Rachel Watson and Shelley Warrington, respectively, revealed intact coral stone foundations in the largely looted mounds. Excavations in 1996 are planned to horizontally expose the construction layers exposed in the trenches. Excavations in five of the six mounds at Wild Cane Cay between 1982 and 1992 revealed the mounds shrouded a series of successive buildings with burials marking construction episodes. Interpreted as the remains of the most powerful lineage members—controlling trade activities at the port site—the Wild Cane Cay burials held ceramic, lithic, metal, shell, and bone offerings of ancient value. Both marine and exotic materials in the burials symbolize the ritual and economic juncture of the trading port.

Systematic shovel testing in cardinal directions every 10 meters in the non-mound area at Frenchman’s Cay supervised by Brad Ensor and Jodi Brandehoff-Pracht revealed extensive “invisible” settlement remains. All material was excavated in arbitrary 20 cm levels, with soil water screened in the sea. As at other sites in the Port Honduras area, artifacts continued below the modern water table, indicating a relative rise in sea level since the Classic period occupation. The material was catalogued, counted, and weighed in the SCAB Lab (supervised by Mirtha Martin).

Underwater Salt Production Sites

Despite rough seas during the 1994 field season, which impaired travel, underwater test excavations were carried out at two small sites in Punta Ycacos Lagoon. The goals were to investigate the extent of salt production previously investigated at the nearby underwater site of Stingray Lagoon (McKillop 1995a). Excavations at Stingray Lagoon in 1991 had yielded abundant, very specialized jars and bowls that resemble those used by the highland Maya in Guatemala for boiling brine to produce salt cakes. Excavations at David Westby Site (supervised by Melissa Braud) and Orlando’s Jewfish Site in 1994 were aimed at addressing the extent of salt production in the lagoon: Was salt produced in the lagoon for local use, inland trade for the Classic Maya, and could it have replaced long-distance, bulk transport of salt from the northern coast of the Yucatan where in historic times salt was produced by solar evaporation? Excavations at David Westby and Orlando’s Jewfish yielded similar salt-making artifacts and contribute to a picture of specialized salt production for inland transport to such Classic Maya sites as Lubaantun.

Underwater Excavations at Pork and Doughboy Point

Surface collection at Pork and Doughboy Point since 1988, together with information from Norman Hammond’s 1970 visit to the site (Hammond 1975), suggested that the site was submerged as elsewhere in the SCAB survey area. Transit mapping and offshore surface collection suggested the site continued at least 40 meters off the northern shore, where the water exceeded the height of the stadia team. Offshore excavations (supervised by Jodi Brandehoff-Pracht) revealed in-situ Classic period midden deposits some 20 meters off the eastern point.

Summary and Future Research

Excavations at our base camp on Frenchman’s Cay revealed a high density of Classic period settlement evidence that is largely “invisible” from the ground surface. While substantial, the settlement appears not as extensive or dense as that at nearby Wild Cane Cay, which was evidently both larger and more powerful. The coral architecture at Frenchman’s Cay appears to be Postclassic, as at Wild Cane Cay. Fieldwork planned for 1996 will include horizontal exposure of coral construction at Frenchman’s Cay and initial excavations of the coral mounds at nearby Green Vine Snake. Together, these three island sites, with their coral architecture, obsidian, and strategic vantage points in the waterways of Port Honduras likely controlled the import, export, and local distribution of materials either locally (such as salt) or externally (such as obsidian).

Answering questions about the extent of local salt production will contribute significantly to discussions of the nature of ancient Maya trade. Fieldwork planned for 1996 will concentrate on systematic search for salt production sites. The possibility of extensive salt production would enhance evidence of trade within the southern Maya lowlands, with external trade focused on more limited and valuable resources aimed principally at the elite, public ceremonial contexts, and status-seekers. By way of contrast, it is more difficult to envisage the corollary of bulk, long-distance transport of everyday commodities such as salt from the northern coast of the Yucatan (Andrews 1983). Immanuel Wallerstein’s (1974) “world system’s theory,” for example, argues for the development of bulk transport in modern times. Archaeological models using Wallerstein’s world system’s theory have relied on substituting long-distance transport of preciosities for bulk items (Blanton and Feinman 1984, for example). Others have suggested the possibility of bulk transport of food items over long distances in ancient Mesoamerica (Sluyter 1993), but this seems unlikely given lack of efficient storage and transportation systems, together with what we know of ancient economies (Cowgill 1994; McKillop 1995a, 1996).

Ongoing study of ancient plant remains, together with modeling of the ancient environment based on radiocarbon dates from submerged and waterlogged deposits is contributing to a picture of the ancient landscape. This research will also indicate areas to search for sites that would have been hospitable during ancient times. Fieldwork in 1996 will build on this lab analysis by collecting environmental data from excavations and by taking soil cores to identify pollen, Foraminifera, ostracods, and other indicators of landscape changes.

Acknowledgments

Fieldwork in 1994 was made possible by permit from the Department of Archaeology, Ministry of Tourism and the Environment, through Archaeological Commissioner D.r Harriet Topsey. The continued support and assistance of the Belize Department of Archaeology is appreciated. Chief Forest Officer, Mr. Earl Green, facilitated permits from the Ministry of Natural Resources, and for this and other assistance I am appreciative. The project’s success pivoted on the encouragement, friendship, and permission of the landowners of Frenchman’s Cay, John Spang, Tanya Russ, Lyra, and Nathaniel. From engine repair to construction of the “SCAB Lab and Café,” to long discussions on the research, and their friendship, their contribution is endless. Many others contributed in countless ways to the 1994 field season’s success, notably Paul Carpenter, Harry Gomez, Jack Nightingale, Barbara Frasier, Alistair King, Robert Polonio, Chet Schmidt, Peter Mahung, Francis Arzu, Ludwig Palacio, Jose Marenco, Jean Shaw, and Charlie Carson.

Fieldwork in 1994 was generously supported by Earthwatch and its corps of volunteers: by Louisiana State University, including travel support from Arts and Sciences to McKillop, Robert C. West Fund Grants from the Dept. of Geography and Anthropology to Melissa Braud and Jodi Brandehoff-Pracht, and assistantship support to Brad Ensor; and a Sigma Xi Grant-in-Aid to Jodi Brandehoff-Pracht. Radiocarbon and other lab analyses were funded through private donations. Illustrations are by Mary Lee Eggart, LSU.

My field staff was hardworking, capable, enthusiastic, and made the ongoing fieldwork in unsettled waters of south-coastal Belize worthwhile: Melissa Braud (surveyor and dory driver), Jodi Brandehoff-Pracht, Mirtha Martin (Lab Director), Rachel Watson (Camp Director), Shelley Warrington, Brad Ensor, Jean Carpenter, Lyra Spang, and Nathaniel Spang (radio operator and field assistant). Thanks to the Earthwatch staff for facilitating my project, notably Emily Snodgrass and Mark Boudreau. My Earthwatch volunteers deserve special appreciation for making the entire field season possible and for their enthusiastic participation in the fieldwork: Pat Colquette, Chris Degraffenreid, Mary Heckshcer, Cecil McCurry, Minor Myers, Jack Romig, Linda Clark, Julie Thompson, Eva Kulda, Cassie Major, Bob Phillips, Mike Truman, Heather “Amelia” Osborn, and Jan Nevil. And, of course, Tiger, retired project watchdog, who worried us all last summer, but who still carries on.

References Cited

Andrews, Anthony P.

1983 Maya Salt Production and Trade. University of Arizona, Tucson.

Blanton, Richard and Gary Feinman

1984 “The Mesoamerican World System: A Comparative Perspective.” American Anthropologist 86:673-682.

Cowgill, George

1993 “Comments on Andrew Sluyter.” Ancient Mesomerica 4:201-203.

Hammond, Norman

1975 Lubaantun: A Classic Maya Realm. Memoirs of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology 2, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass.

Leventhal, Richard

1990 “Southern Belize: An Ancient Maya Region,” In Vision and Revision in Maya Studies. Edited by Flora Clancy and Peter D. Harrison, pp. 124-141, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.

McKillop, Heather

1987 Wild Cane Cay: An Insular Classic Period to Postclassic Period Insular Maya Trading Station. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California-Santa Barbara, University Microfilms, Ann Arbor.

1989 “Coastal Maya Trade: Obsidian Densities at Wild Cane Cay, Belize,” In Prehistoric Maya Economies of Belize. Edited by P. McAnany and B. Isaac, pp. 17-56, Research in Economic Anthropology, Supplement 4.

1994a “Ancient Maya Tree-Cropping: A Viable Subsistence Alternative for the Island Maya.” Ancient Mesoamerica 5:129-140.

1994b “Traders of the Maya Coast: Five Field Seasons in the Swamps of South-Coastal Belize.” Mexicon 16:115-118.

1995a “Underwater Archaeology, Salt Production, and Coastal Maya Trade at Stingray Lagoon, Belize.” Latin American Antiquity 6:214-228.

1995b “The Role of Northern Ambergris Cay in Maya Obsidian Trade: Evidence from Visual Sourcing and Blade Technology,” In Maya Maritime Trade, Settlement, and Population on Ambergris Caye, Belize. Edited by T.H. Guderjan and J. Garber, pp. 163-174, Labyrinthos Press, Culver City, CA.

1996 “Ancient Maya Trading Ports and the Integration of Long-Distance and Regional Economies: Wild Cane Cay in South-Coastal Belize.” Ancient Mesoamerica 7:49-62.

Sluyter, Andrew

1993 “Long-distance Staple Transport in Western Mesoamerica: Insight Through Quantitative Modeling.” Ancient Mesoamerica 4:193-199.

Wallerstein, Immanuel

1974 The Modern World System. Academic Press, New York.

LSU Maya Archaeology News is an occasional publication in electronic and print form produced by Heather McKillop, Dept. of Geography & Anthropology, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge LA 70803-4105. The objective is to inform the interested public in Belize, Louisiana, and elsewhere, about LSU Maya Archaeology.

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